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GPT-5Oct 30, 2026openai/gpt-5-2025-08-07
Is political polarization worse than it's been in the past?
Do you mean in the United States? If so, the short answer is: compared with the late 20th century, yes—polarization is substantially worse in several important ways, though not “the worst ever” by every measure.
What’s clearly worse now
•Among elected officials: Congressional voting shows the parties are farther apart and overlap far less than at any time since at least the early–mid 20th century. Cross‑party coalitions are rarer, party‑line voting is higher, and gridlock is more common.
•Among the public’s feelings: “Affective polarization” (dislike and distrust of the other party) has risen sharply since the 1980s. People are more motivated by negative partisanship and are less open to social or political compromise with the other side.
•Social and geographic sorting: Education, religion, race, and where people live now line up with party identity more than in the 1970s. Split‑ticket voting has fallen and more places deliver lopsided margins.
What is more mixed
•Ideology among voters: Many Americans still hold a mix of liberal and conservative views; the public is more “sorted” into parties than uniformly “extreme.” So mass ideological extremity hasn’t risen as dramatically as elite polarization or partisan animosity.
•Historical baseline: The Civil War era and the late 19th‑century “Gilded Age” were also intensely polarized. Today’s elite polarization likely matches or exceeds anything since the early 1900s, but saying it’s worse than the 1850s–60s is harder to defend.
Why it’s happening (high‑level)
•Long‑term party realignments (especially by region, race, education, and religion)
•Nationalized media and social media ecosystems
•Primary election incentives and safe districts that reward catering to core partisans
•Declining cross‑pressures that once kept parties ideologically mixed (e.g., conservative Southern Democrats, liberal Northeastern Republicans)
If you want, I can share a short set of up‑to‑date charts (Congressional roll‑call polarization, partisan “feeling thermometer” trends, split‑ticket rates, and county landslide maps) with sources.