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Grok 4.5Oct 25, 2026x-ai/grok-4.5-20260708

Is political polarization worse than it's been in the past?

Yes, by several key modern metrics (especially over the past 40–70 years), political polarization in the United States is worse than in the recent past, though it is not unprecedented in American history when compared to eras like the Civil War or the turbulent 1960s. The picture depends on the type of polarization measured (ideological/issue-based, affective/emotional dislike, elite/congressional, or sorting), the time frame, and whether one focuses on the mass public or elites. Data come primarily from U.S. sources like the American National Election Studies (ANES), Pew Research Center, and academic studies; global comparisons show the U.S. as an outlier among wealthy democracies.[1]

Recent Trends (Post-WWII/1980s Onward)

•Issue and ideological polarization: A 2026 University of Cambridge study using ANES data (1988–2024) and clustering algorithms found that divisions on social and political issues rose ~64% overall, with nearly all the increase after 2008 (around the financial crisis, Obama’s election, and smartphone/social media rise). It was largely flat in the 1990s–early 2000s. The left cluster shifted substantially more progressive/socially liberal (~31.5%), while the right moved only modestly more conservative (~2.8%). Clusters became more distinct, with increased partisan/ideological sorting (people aligning labels more tightly with views), though cluster sizes stayed roughly equal and internal cohesion did not collapse into pure tribes. Polarization may have leveled somewhat recently but remains elevated.[2][1]

Pew Research data show a similar long-term pattern: the share of Americans with consistently liberal or conservative views roughly doubled from the 1990s to the 2010s (from ~10% to ~21%), ideological overlap between parties shrank dramatically (e.g., by the mid-2010s, ~92–94% of partisans were on their side of the median opposite partisan), and gaps on issues like guns, climate, abortion, and immigration widened substantially. Partisan gaps on many values more than doubled since the 1980s–1990s.[3][4]

•Affective polarization (dislike/distrust of the other side): This has risen sharply and is often seen as especially concerning. ANES “feeling thermometer” data (0–100 scale) show out-party ratings falling from near-neutral (~48–50 in the late 1970s) to much colder levels (~20–30 by the 2010s–2020s), while in-party warmth stayed relatively high/stable. The gap (affective polarization) roughly doubled or more (from ~20–25 points to ~50+). It has continued rising or stayed high into the 2020s. The U.S. saw the largest increase among a dozen OECD countries over recent decades. Partisans increasingly view the other side as a threat, dislike intermarriage across parties, and show out-group animus that can motivate participation more than in-group liking.[5][6][7][8]
•Elite and institutional polarization: Congress is more polarized ideologically than at any point in the past 50 years (and among the highest in longer historical series using roll-call measures). Presidential approval gaps by party are at or near record highs in decades of polling (e.g., massive partisan differences under recent presidents vs. much smaller ones under Eisenhower or Kennedy). Parties have sorted: fewer conservative Democrats or liberal Republicans, with stronger demographic, geographic, educational, and cultural alignments.[9][9]
•Drivers often cited: Party sorting and elite cues; media fragmentation and social media (echo chambers, outrage incentives); cultural/identity issues rising in salience over pure economics; geographic/self-sorting; declining cross-cutting ties. Some studies note asymmetric elements (e.g., mass left shift on social issues alongside elite right shifts in some areas). The equal size of U.S. left/right clusters may make divides feel especially intense compared to countries with lopsided majorities.[10]

Polarization is higher among the politically engaged than the broader public, and “moderates” still exist in self-identification, but sorting means average partisans differ more. Some recent data hint at possible plateauing on issues, but affective divides and perceptions of the other side as existential threats remain elevated. Most Americans in both parties expect divisions to worsen.

Longer Historical Comparisons

It is not the absolute worst ever. The Civil War era (and lead-up) involved secession, a shooting war with ~620,000+ military deaths (equivalent to millions today), slavery as a fundamental cleavage, and post-war violence/Reconstruction conflicts—far exceeding today’s levels of actual violence or institutional breakdown.[11][12]

The 1960s featured intense unrest: civil rights struggles, Vietnam protests, assassinations (JFK, RFK, MLK), urban riots, campus violence, far-left/right extremism, a sharp generation gap, and cultural upheaval. Parties were less sorted then (Southern conservative Democrats, etc.), allowing some bipartisanship even amid turmoil. Historians note today’s divides rival intense past periods short of civil war in partisan/regional intensity and cultural permeation, but differ in nature (less mass street violence so far; more nationalized, media-amplified tribalism and institutional distrust).[12]

Other high points include the Gilded Age (late 19th century) with sharp partisan and economic conflicts, and earlier periods like the 1790s–1800s (Federalists vs. Jeffersonians). The mid-20th century post-WWII era was relatively less polarized, with more bipartisan consensus and ideological diversity within parties.[13]

Broader Context and Caveats

•Global: Affective and “us vs. them” polarization has risen in many places since ~2005, but the U.S. stands out among long-standing wealthy democracies for reaching and sustaining “pernicious” levels that risk democratic norms.[14][15]
•Not uniform: Public opinion has liberalized overall on some social issues; economic views or specific topics show variation. Sorting can amplify perceived differences even without massive extremity. Some scholars emphasize that ordinary Americans remain less polarized than elites/media portray, or that cross-party personal ties still exist for many.
•Consequences: Higher gridlock, eroded trust, reduced willingness to compromise, rising concerns over political violence/perceptions of threat, and challenges to shared facts. It can feel worse due to constant media exposure and nationalized politics.
•Measurement notes: Different metrics (self-ID, issue positions, feeling thermometers, elite votes) capture different things. Survey mode or question wording can affect levels slightly, but the upward trends are robust.

In short, relative to the post-WWII baseline and the period of available systematic polling/data (roughly 1950s–present), polarization—particularly affective dislike, partisan sorting, issue consistency, and elite divides—is substantially worse and has accelerated in the 21st century (notably post-2008). It does not match the existential violence of the Civil War or the peak street-level chaos of the 1960s, but its modern form (tribal, identity-linked, media-fueled, with equal camps) poses distinct risks to democratic functioning and social cohesion. Trends can reverse with institutional, cultural, or leadership changes, as history shows cycles of polarization and depolarization.

Citations (15)

  1. 1cam.ac.ukAcademic
    https://www.cam.ac.uk/stories/political-division-united-states

    Backs: “Data come primarily from U.S. sources like the American National Election Studies (ANES), Pew Research Center, and academic studies; global comparisons show the U.S. as an outlier among wealthy democracies.”

  2. https://royalsocietypublishing.org/rsos/article/13/2/251428/479919/A-new-measure-of-issue-polarization-using-k-means

    Backs: “Polarization may have leveled somewhat recently but remains elevated.”

  3. 3pewresearch.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2014/06/12/political-polarization-in-the-american-public/

    Backs: “Partisan gaps on many values more than doubled since the 1980s–1990s.”

  4. 4pewresearch.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://www.pewresearch.org/2024/09/13/how-us-public-opinion-has-changed-in-20-years-of-our-surveys/

    Backs: “Partisan gaps on many values more than doubled since the 1980s–1990s.”

  5. 5mit.eduAcademic
    https://direct.mit.edu/rest/article/106/2/557/109262/Cross-Country-Trends-in-Affective-Polarization

    Backs: “Partisans increasingly view the other side as a threat, dislike intermarriage across parties, and show out-group animus that can motivate participation more than in-group liking.”

  6. 6goodauthority.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://goodauthority.org/news/americans-views-of-the-opposite-party-have-declined-even-further/

    Backs: “Partisans increasingly view the other side as a threat, dislike intermarriage across parties, and show out-group animus that can motivate participation more than in-group liking.”

  7. 7substack.comBlogs and newsletters
    https://newsamaritans.substack.com/p/feeling-thermometers-a-national-cooling

    Backs: “Partisans increasingly view the other side as a threat, dislike intermarriage across parties, and show out-group animus that can motivate participation more than in-group liking.”

  8. 8doi.orgAcademic
    https://doi.org/gfv79s

    Backs: “Partisans increasingly view the other side as a threat, dislike intermarriage across parties, and show out-group animus that can motivate participation more than in-group liking.”

  9. 9newsweek.comNews and mediaquality 0.82
    https://www.newsweek.com/americans-used-to-like-presidents-from-other-party-what-happened-12307504

    Backs: “Parties have sorted: fewer conservative Democrats or liberal Republicans, with stronger demographic, geographic, educational, and cultural alignments.”

  10. 10phys.orgNews and mediaquality 0.85
    https://phys.org/news/2026-02-political-division-surged-onward.html

    Backs: “The equal size of U.S. left/right clusters may make divides feel especially intense compared to countries with lopsided majorities.”

  11. 11navytimes.comNot yet classified
    https://www.navytimes.com/news/your-navy/2020/02/15/think-the-us-is-more-polarized-than-ever-you-dont-know-history/

    Backs: “The Civil War era (and lead-up) involved secession, a shooting war with ~620,000+ military deaths (equivalent to millions today), slavery as a fundamental cleavage, and post-war violence/Reconstruction conflicts—far exceeding today’s levels of actual violence or institutional breakdown.”

  12. 12cnn.comNews and mediaquality 0.66
    https://www.cnn.com/2026/07/05/politics/trump-july-4-america-250-civil-war-analysis

    Backs: “The Civil War era (and lead-up) involved secession, a shooting war with ~620,000+ military deaths (equivalent to millions today), slavery as a fundamental cleavage, and post-war violence/Reconstruction conflicts—far exceeding today’s levels of actual violence or institutional breakdown.”

  13. 13wikipedia.orgEncyclopedias and referencequality 0.83
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_polarization_in_the_United_States

    Backs: “The mid-20th century post-WWII era was relatively less polarized, with more bipartisan consensus and ideological diversity within parties.”

  14. 14theatlantic.comNews and mediaquality 0.80
    https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/05/us-democrat-republican-partisan-polarization/629925/

    Backs: “Affective and “us vs. them” polarization has risen in many places since ~2005, but the U.S. stands out among long-standing wealthy democracies for reaching and sustaining “pernicious” levels that risk democratic norms.”

  15. 15carnegieendowment.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://carnegieendowment.org/files/McCoy_et_al_-_Polarization_final_3.pdf

    Backs: “Affective and “us vs. them” polarization has risen in many places since ~2005, but the U.S. stands out among long-standing wealthy democracies for reaching and sustaining “pernicious” levels that risk democratic norms.”