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Grok 4.5Oct 23, 2026x-ai/grok-4.5-20260708

Is political polarization worse than it's been in the past?

Leans yesSays it is contested

Yes, by multiple standard measures, political polarization in the United States—particularly elite/congressional, partisan sorting, ideological consistency, and affective (emotional) polarization—is higher than it has been in recent decades (roughly the post-World War II or post-1970s period), though it is not unprecedented in the full span of U.S. history. Levels rival or exceed those of the late 19th/early 20th century in Congress and stand out internationally among established democracies. Nuances exist: some public opinion divides have deeper roots, shifts can be asymmetric, the center of the public is less extreme than activists/elites, and divisions remain “fuzzy” rather than fully tribal. Historical peaks (e.g., Civil War era) were far more severe in consequences.[1][2]

Congressional/Elite Polarization

Using DW-NOMINATE scores (which place legislators on a liberal-conservative dimension based on roll-call votes, comparable over time), Democrats and Republicans in Congress are farther apart ideologically than at any point in the past 50 years. Overlap between the parties has essentially vanished (no overlap in the House since ~2002 and Senate since ~2004), moderates have dwindled dramatically (from over 160 in the early 1970s to about two dozen more recently), and both parties have become more internally cohesive.[2][2]

•Republicans have shifted farther right on average; Democrats have moved somewhat left (partly due to the decline of conservative Southern Democrats). Geographic and demographic sorting (e.g., more Southern Republicans, more diverse Democrats) has reinforced this.[2]
•Trends accelerated from the 1970s onward after a mid-20th-century period of relatively lower polarization (with more bipartisan coalitions possible). Current levels match or surpass peaks from the late 1800s–early 1900s (Gilded Age/strong party period). Earlier high-polarization eras include the First Party System (~1790s–1820s) and the Civil War/Reconstruction through early 20th century. Polarization has declined after one party achieves dominance or realignments occur.[3][4][5]

This contributes to gridlock, as common ground shrinks.

Public Ideological and Issue Polarization + Sorting

Public opinion shows rising polarization and sorting (people’s views aligning more consistently with one party/ideology, reducing cross-pressures).

•A University of Cambridge analysis of American National Election Studies (ANES) data (1988–2024, using clustering on issues rather than just self-labels) found divisions on social/political issues rose ~64% since 1988, with nearly all the increase after 2008 (financial crisis, Obama election, smartphone/social media rise). The left cluster became ~31.5% more socially liberal; the right only ~2.8% more conservative. Sorting into party/ideological labels also jumped. Polarization may have leveled somewhat recently but remains elevated. The equal size of left/right clusters (unusual globally) intensifies the feeling of division; opinions within clusters haven’t necessarily narrowed into pure extremes.[6][7][7]
•Pew Research (e.g., 2014 study of values questions since 1994): Share of Americans with consistently liberal or conservative views doubled (10% to 21%); the center shrank. Ideological overlap between parties plummeted (e.g., 92% of Republicans to the right of the median Democrat by 2014, up sharply from 1994). Engaged partisans show even stronger consistency. Later data confirm continued gaps on issues like immigration, climate, abortion, and government power.[8][8]
•Gallup and others: Rising liberal identification among Democrats (and somewhat among the public on social issues); higher conservative ID among Republicans. Partisan gaps on hot-button issues have widened substantially over 20+ years. Overall public ideology is more stable than elite or sorted partisan views, with many still holding mixed positions.[9][10]

Some research notes that underlying value clusters (e.g., moral/religious) have been relatively stable longer-term, with the big change being partisan alignment/sorting of those views into the two parties. Demographic groups (income, race) have sorted into parties without always increasing their own ideological distances as much.[11][12]

Affective Polarization (Dislike of the Other Side)

This has risen sharply and is a key driver of “feeling worse.” Feeling thermometer ratings (warmth toward own party vs. opposite) show a growing gap: out-party ratings have dropped significantly (e.g., from near-neutral decades ago toward strongly negative), while in-party warmth is more stable or slightly down. Differences have roughly doubled in some ANES analyses since the 1970s/1990s.[13][14]

•The U.S. has seen the largest increase among a set of OECD countries over recent decades.[15][16]
•High shares view the other party as a threat to the nation’s well-being; willingness to have opposing partisans as family/friends has declined; perceptions of disagreement even on basic facts are widespread. Record numbers see the country as deeply divided on values.[17][18]
•This “us vs. them” dynamic has intensified since the mid-2000s in many places but stands out in the U.S. as a wealthy democracy.[19]

Broader Context, Causes, and Caveats

•Historical comparisons: No golden age of unity (except perhaps exaggerated “Era of Good Feelings”). Intense friction occurred in the early Republic, Civil War (incomparably worse), 1890s–1910s, and 1960s. Today’s is distinctive for media amplification, nationalized politics, geographic sorting (red/blue states/communities), and occurring without the one-party dominance that historically reduced polarization. Some argue latent cultural divides long predated the recent partisan surge.[1]
•Drivers often cited: Party sorting/realignment (especially post-civil rights/Southern shift), primary systems/media incentives rewarding extremes, economic inequality/cultural changes, social media/echo chambers (post-~2008 inflection), elite cues, and declining trust/institutions. Asymmetry debates persist (more elite rightward shift in Congress; more public leftward on social issues).
•Not everyone is polarized equally: Extremes and the most engaged/active are more polarized and louder; many in the “middle” prefer compromise but participate less. Local communities can feel less divided than national politics. Polarization can feel worse than average issue distances due to affective hostility and equal camp sizes.[18]
•International: U.S. is an outlier in the rise and intensity among stable democracies. Global trends are mixed.[7]
•Recent notes: Some measures show possible leveling; public views of parties as “too extreme” fluctuate (recently higher for Republicans in some polls). State-level divergence on culture/policy has grown.[6]

In short, for the living memory of most Americans and relative to the mid-to-late 20th century baseline of greater bipartisanship and less sorted/affectively hostile parties, yes—it is worse. It is a return toward (or beyond) earlier high-polarization norms in American politics, amplified by modern conditions, but without the existential violence of the worst historical episodes. Data come primarily from sources like Pew, ANES, Gallup, DW-NOMINATE/Voteview, and academic studies using surveys and roll calls. Trends can reverse with realignments, institutional changes, or external shocks, as history shows.

Citations (19)

  1. 1cnn.comNews and mediaquality 0.66
    https://www.cnn.com/2026/07/05/politics/trump-july-4-america-250-civil-war-analysis

    Backs: “Historical peaks (e.g., Civil War era) were far more severe in consequences.”

    background, article, neutral. Claim: Polarization is not unprecedented in U.S. history; Civil War era was far more severe in consequences.

  2. 2pewresearch.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://www.pewresearch.org/short-reads/2022/03/10/the-polarization-in-todays-congress-has-roots-that-go-back-decades/

    Backs: “Historical peaks (e.g., Civil War era) were far more severe in consequences.”

    statistic, article, points to yes. Claim: Congressional Democrats and Republicans are farther apart than in 50 years; no party overlap since early 2000s; moderates dwindled.

  3. 3wpmucdn.comNot yet classified
    https://bpb-us-w1.wpmucdn.com/sites.usc.edu/dist/2/77/files/2022/09/Polarization-lost.pdf

    Backs: “Polarization has declined after one party achieves dominance or realignments occur.”

    evidence, official document, neutral. Claim: Current congressional polarization matches or surpasses late 1800s-early 1900s peaks; earlier high-polarization eras existed.

  4. 4rochester.eduAcademic
    http://www.rochester.edu/college/faculty/alexander_lee/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/How_Polarization_Ends-12.pdf

    Backs: “Polarization has declined after one party achieves dominance or realignments occur.”

    evidence, official document, neutral. Claim: Polarization declines after one party achieves dominance or realignments occur.

  5. 5goodauthority.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://goodauthority.org/news/our-politics-may-be-polarized-but-thats-nothing-new/

    Backs: “Polarization has declined after one party achieves dominance or realignments occur.”

    evidence, article, points to no. Claim: Earlier high-polarization eras existed, so today's polarization is nothing new.

  6. 6phys.orgNews and mediaquality 0.85
    https://phys.org/news/2026-02-political-division-surged-onward.html

    Backs: “The equal size of left/right clusters (unusual globally) intensifies the feeling of division; opinions within clusters haven’t necessarily narrowed into pure extremes.”

    statistic, article, points to yes. Claim: Cambridge ANES analysis found issue divisions rose ~64% since 1988, mostly after 2008, possibly leveling recently.

  7. 7cam.ac.ukAcademic
    https://www.cam.ac.uk/stories/political-division-united-states

    Backs: “The equal size of left/right clusters (unusual globally) intensifies the feeling of division; opinions within clusters haven’t necessarily narrowed into pure extremes.”

    statistic, article, points to yes. Claim: Cambridge analysis: left cluster more socially liberal, equal-size camps intensify division; U.S. an outlier among stable democracies.

  8. 8pewresearch.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2014/06/12/political-polarization-in-the-american-public/

    Backs: “Later data confirm continued gaps on issues like immigration, climate, abortion, and government power.”

    statistic, article, points to yes. Claim: Pew 2014: consistently liberal or conservative share doubled from 10% to 21%; party ideological overlap shrank.

  9. 9gallup.comCompanies
    https://news.gallup.com/topic/ideology.aspx

    Backs: “Overall public ideology is more stable than elite or sorted partisan views, with many still holding mixed positions.”

    evidence, data page, points to yes. Claim: Gallup ideology data show partisan ideological identification gaps widening.

  10. 10thehill.comNews and mediaquality 0.90
    https://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/4713508-democrats-liberal-identification-social-economic-issues-gallup/mlite/

    Backs: “Overall public ideology is more stable than elite or sorted partisan views, with many still holding mixed positions.”

    evidence, article, points to yes. Claim: Democrats' liberal identification has risen on social and economic issues.

  11. 11stanford.eduAcademic
    https://fsi.stanford.edu/news/polarization-united-states-reconsidered

    Backs: “Demographic groups (income, race) have sorted into parties without always increasing their own ideological distances as much.”

    evidence, article, points to no. Claim: Underlying value clusters have been stable; the main change is partisan sorting of views.

  12. 12nature.comAcademic
    https://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-025-02251-0.pdf

    Backs: “Demographic groups (income, race) have sorted into parties without always increasing their own ideological distances as much.”

    evidence, official document, points to no. Claim: Demographic groups sorted into parties without always increasing their own ideological distances.

  13. 13goodauthority.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://goodauthority.org/news/americans-views-of-the-opposite-party-have-declined-even-further/

    Backs: “Differences have roughly doubled in some ANES analyses since the 1970s/1990s.”

    evidence, article, points to yes. Claim: Out-party feeling thermometer ratings have dropped significantly.

  14. 14springer.comAcademic
    https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11109-022-09784-4

    Backs: “Differences have roughly doubled in some ANES analyses since the 1970s/1990s.”

    evidence, article, points to yes. Claim: Affective polarization gap has roughly doubled in ANES analyses since the 1970s/1990s.

  15. 15nber.orgAcademic
    https://www.nber.org/papers/w26669

    Backs: “The U.S. has seen the largest increase among a set of OECD countries over recent decades.”

    evidence, official document, points to yes. Claim: U.S. has seen the largest increase in affective polarization among OECD countries.

  16. 16stanford.eduAcademic
    https://web.stanford.edu/~gentzkow/research/cross-polar.pdf

    Backs: “The U.S. has seen the largest increase among a set of OECD countries over recent decades.”

    evidence, official document, points to yes. Claim: U.S. has seen the largest increase in polarization among compared countries.

  17. 17pewresearch.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://www.pewresearch.org/packages/political-polarization/

    Backs: “High shares view the other party as a threat to the nation’s well-being; willingness to have opposing partisans as family/friends has declined; perceptions of disagreement even on basic facts are widespread. Record numbers see the country as deeply divided on values.”

    evidence, other, points to yes. Claim: High shares view the other party as a threat; record numbers see the country as divided on values.

  18. 18carnegie.orgNonprofits and think tanks
    https://carnegie.org/article/why-polarization-is-a-problem/

    Backs: “High shares view the other party as a threat to the nation’s well-being; willingness to have opposing partisans as family/friends has declined; perceptions of disagreement even on basic facts are widespread. Record numbers see the country as deeply divided on values.”

    evidence, article, neutral. Claim: Polarization is a problem; the middle prefers compromise but participates less; extremes are louder.

  19. 19theatlantic.comNews and mediaquality 0.80
    https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2022/05/us-democrat-republican-partisan-polarization/629925/

    Backs: “This “us vs. them” dynamic has intensified since the mid-2000s in many places but stands out in the U.S. as a wealthy democracy.”

    evidence, article, points to yes. Claim: Us-vs-them dynamic intensified since mid-2000s, standing out in the U.S. among wealthy democracies.