Is political polarization worse than it's been in the past?

Yes — by most measures, political polarization (especially in the U.S.) is worse than it has been in recent historical memory, though the picture is more nuanced than "worst ever."

Congressional/Elite Polarization

This is the clearest case. Pew Research Center analysis finds that, on average, Democrats and Republicans are farther apart ideologically today than at any time in the past 50 years. The structural data backs this up: both parties have grown more ideologically cohesive, with only about two dozen moderate Democrats and Republicans left on Capitol Hill, versus more than 160 in 1971-72.

Using the standard academic measure (DW-Nominate), congressional polarization has been steadily and consistently increasing since the 1980s, and the standard DW-Nominate measure reveals a higher level of polarization in both chambers than at any time in the history of the two major parties.

Affective Polarization (how much people dislike the other party)

This is where the "worse than ever" narrative is strongest. Affective polarization, calculated as feelings toward one's own vs. the opposing party, rose from 22.64 degrees in 1978 to 40.87 degrees in 2016, while warm feelings toward one's own party remained stable around 70, but sentiment toward the opposing party worsened significantly, dropping from the high 40s to just above 25. It kept climbing: between 2016 and 2020, affective polarization jumped from 41 to 52.2 degrees.

A 2024 survey found a record 80 percent of U.S. adults believe Americans are greatly divided on the most important values, while just 18 percent believe the country is united, and this view is held broadly consistently across gender, age, race, political affiliation, and educational attainment.

Important caveats — it's not simply "most divided ever"

1. Policy differences may not be as extreme as feelings suggest. Political scientist Frances Lee notes that politicians aren't necessarily farther apart on policy issues than in the past — what's often missed are changes in the scope of policy issues over time, making historical comparisons tricky.

2. Some researchers argue today isn't historically exceptional. One legal/political review concluded that the rhetoric around congressional polarization is far more negative than the existing evidence can justify, arguing instead that significant levels of congressional polarization are the norm in U.S. politics, and mid-twentieth-century lows are the anomaly — a period when conflict was suppressed by accommodation of Southern racial repression.

3. A 2024 Cambridge study found most of the shift happened recently, not gradually. Researchers found polarisation almost flatlined during the nineties and noughties before surging. They also caution that perception may outpace reality: polarisation in the US can feel much worse than it is, since political groups have moved further apart but divisions are still fuzzy—Americans aren't split into entirely opposing tribes on issues.

4. Globally, this is part of a broader pattern. The global population-weighted V-Dem Political Polarization Index reached its highest level since 1946 in 2025, with a sustained increase observed since 2021 following a notable decline in 2020. For the U.S. specifically, the lowest level of political polarization was recorded in 1949, while the highest score was observed in 2025.

Bottom line

On emotional/tribal measures (how much partisans dislike each other, view the other side as a threat) and on elite/congressional ideological distance, polarization genuinely appears to be at or near record highs in the modern data era (roughly the last 50-70 years). On underlying policy positions, the gap may be less dramatic than the rhetoric suggests, and some scholars argue that the mid-20th century's low polarization—not today's high polarization—was the historical anomaly, largely propped up by a bipartisan consensus that included tolerance of segregation.