Were a majority of the Gazan journalists killed since October 7th, 2023 linked to terrorist organizations?

Yes, according to detailed analyses by Israeli sources with access to intelligence and seized materials, a majority (around 60%) of those identified as Gazan journalists or media workers killed since October 7, 2023, had links to terrorist organizations such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ). This is based primarily on a December 2025 study by the Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center (ITIC) and later IDF disclosures. Press freedom groups like the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) and Reporters Without Borders (RSF) report high journalist death tolls and dispute many individual claims or the implications, while acknowledging some combatant cases after reviews.[1]

Key Figures and Claims

Earlier partial analyses (e.g., 2024) already found substantial shares (around 50%+) with ties among then-smaller lists. Hamas/PIJ later published obituaries admitting some “journalists” were fighters, prompting list adjustments.[5]

Context on “Linked” and Definitions

“Linked” ranges from active military operatives/combatants (snipers, commanders, Oct. 7 participants, rocket units) to political/media wing members or employees of Hamas/PIJ outlets (e.g., Al-Aqsa TV, Al-Resalah). In Hamas-controlled Gaza, media often blurs with the governing/terror apparatus; working for official or affiliated outlets can indicate alignment. Some received advance notice of Oct. 7 and broadcast from the scenes.[1]

Under international humanitarian law (IHL), journalists are civilians entitled to protection unless (and for such time as) they directly participate in hostilities. Active military wing membership typically makes someone a combatant/legitimate target. Purely propagandistic or past affiliations are more contested and do not automatically remove civilian status.

Counterpoints and Scrutiny

Overall Assessment

Israeli analyses with primary access to seized documents, group admissions, and intelligence consistently find a majority of the reported Gazan “journalists” had organizational links to designated terrorist groups, often including operational roles. This is corroborated in part by the groups’ own martyr claims and CPJ’s subsequent removals of confirmed combatants. Independent Western press watchdogs document a very high death toll among media workers, emphasize civilian protections, and do not endorse the “majority combatants/terrorists” framing—they focus on lack of accountability, access bans, and risks to legitimate reporting. Full independent audits of every case are impossible amid the conflict, destroyed evidence, and restricted access. The dual roles (media + militant/propaganda) appear systemic in Gaza’s environment per the intelligence-based reports, complicating narratives of purely civilian journalist casualties.