Is political polarization worse than it's been in the past?

Whether political polarization is "worse" than in the past depends on which era of history you are comparing it to and how polarization is measured.

In political science, polarization is generally split into two categories:

Historically, the answer is a mix of "no, we are not in a civil war," and "yes, it is worse than at any other point in modern living memory."

1. No, It Is Not Worse Than the Civil War Era (1850s–1860s)

If the ultimate measure of polarization is the literal breakdown of a nation, the United States is not at its historic worst.

2. Yes, It Is Worse Than the "Era of Consensus" (1950s–1970s)

When people complain that politics is worse than it "used to be," they are usually comparing today to the mid-20th century.

3. It is Comparable to the Gilded Age and Reconstruction (1870s–1890s)

To find a time when Congress was as polarized as it is today, political scientists point to the late 19th century.

What Makes Today’s Polarization Unique (and Feel Worse)?

While we have had high polarization in the past, several modern phenomena make today’s political environment feel uniquely toxic:

1. "The Great Sorting"

In the past, political parties were big tents. A voter might be liberal on the economy but conservative on social issues. Today, those identities have "sorted." Nearly all liberals have sorted into the Democratic Party, and nearly all conservatives have sorted into the Republican Party. Additionally, party alignment now correlates strongly with other deeply personal identities: religion, race, geography (urban vs. rural), and education level. When your political party matches your religion, culture, and neighborhood, a political disagreement feels like an existential threat to your entire way of life.

2. The Explosion of Affective Polarization (Outgroup Animosity)

While average Americans might not hold radically extreme policy views, their dislike of the other side has reached unprecedented heights. Pew Research Center data reveals that the share of partisans who view the opposing party as "immoral," "dishonest," or a threat to the nation's well-being has nearly doubled over the last few decades. In the 1960s, very few Americans cared if their child married someone from the opposite political party; today, substantial portions of both parties would be deeply upset by it.

3. The Nationalization of Politics

Historically, local issues and local news kept politics grounded. Voters cared about local school boards or municipal infrastructure, which didn't always align with national partisan battles. Today, local news has declined, and political discourse has been heavily nationalized. National cable news, social media algorithms, and online echo chambers emphasize high-conflict, national-level culture wars.

4. The "Perception Gap"

Studies show that polarization often feels worse than it actually is because of misperceptions. The most extreme voices on social media and in Congress receive the vast majority of media attention. Because of this, ordinary Democrats and Republicans tend to assume that every member of the opposing party holds the most extreme views of that party’s fringe. In reality, the broad public remains much more moderate and agreeable on major issues than their political leaders are.

Summary

If "worse" means physical violence and national fracture, we are not at the historic low point of the 1860s. However, if "worse" means systemic gridlock, ideological sorting, and deep-seated animosity between everyday citizens, the U.S. is experiencing its highest levels of political polarization in roughly 140 years.