No, Joe Biden was not a good president by standard metrics of competence, results, and national interest. His term (2021–2025) featured major self-inflicted failures in inflation, borders, Afghanistan, energy, and deterrence, partially offset by continuity in some areas and a strong post-COVID jobs rebound that was largely cyclical. Public verdict via polls, 2024 election results, and economic data was clear rejection. Evaluations should prioritize outcomes over intentions or media narratives.
Economy and Cost of Living
•Inflation surge: CPI peaked near 9% in 2022—highest in 40 years—driven by massive fiscal stimulus (American Rescue Plan), supply shocks, and energy policy. Real wages for many workers lagged; grocery, rent, and gas prices hammered working- and middle-class households. "Transitory" claims aged poorly. By late term, inflation cooled but cumulative price level remained elevated (~20%+ cumulative).
•Jobs and GDP grew, unemployment hit lows, and markets rose, but this followed the sharp COVID collapse and benefited from pent-up demand, Fed policy, and pre-existing trends. Labor force participation and prime-age employment recovered unevenly. Deficit spending stayed high; national debt crossed $36T.
•Energy: Day-one pause on new federal leases, cancellation of Keystone XL, and regulatory hostility contributed to higher prices and European/Asian dependence risks before later pragmatic increases in U.S. production (which built on Trump-era gains). U.S. became a top LNG exporter anyway due to market forces.
Bidenomics branding failed with voters because lived experience of eroded purchasing power dominated abstract "strong economy" claims.
Immigration and Border
Record illegal encounters (CBP data: >10 million encounters + got-aways), overwhelmed cities, fentanyl deaths (primarily via Mexican cartels using the border), and expanded parole/catch-and-release policies. Title 42 end and initial rollback of Trump-era tools produced chaos; later executive restrictions came only after political damage. This was a core sovereignty and security failure, not "root causes" rhetoric. Sanctuary policies and NGO facilitation amplified it.
Foreign Policy and National Security
•Afghanistan 2021 withdrawal: Catastrophic execution—abandoned Bagram, chaotic Kabul airlift, 13 U.S. service members killed in Abbey Gate bombing, Americans and allies left behind, $7B+ equipment to Taliban. Intelligence and planning failures were bipartisan in origin but owned by the administration's timeline and decisions. Strategic humiliation that emboldened adversaries.
•Ukraine: Strong initial aid and sanctions after Russia's 2022 invasion, but slow-walking certain weapons, no clear victory theory, and massive spending with corruption risks. Deterrence failed pre-invasion.
•Israel/Hamas, Iran, Houthis, China: Mixed. Support for Israel post-Oct 7 was real but tempered by progressive pressure and leaks. Iran sanctions enforcement was loose early; proxy attacks on U.S. forces met limited response. China got export controls on chips (positive) amid ongoing IP theft and military buildup. Nord Stream and energy leverage issues lingered.
•Overall: Perception of weakness (age, rhetoric, priorities) reduced deterrence. No major new wars started involving U.S. troops directly, but gray-zone advances by rivals occurred.
Other Domestic Record
•Legislative: Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act and CHIPS Act had bipartisan elements and addressed real needs (roads, semiconductors). "Inflation Reduction Act" was primarily green subsidies, tax changes, and healthcare—costly industrial policy with mixed emission/energy reliability results. Student loan "forgiveness" attempts were legally dubious executive overreach struck down repeatedly.
•COVID: Vaccines were already rolling out; mandates, school closures lingering effects, and suppression of lab-leak discussion damaged trust. Excess deaths and learning loss were severe.
•Crime and cities: Post-2020 homicide spike persisted in many progressive jurisdictions; federal rhetoric and DOJ priorities often downplayed it. Soft-on-crime district attorneys and bail policies correlated with disorder.
•Culture/executive: Heavy emphasis on equity framing, EV mandates, and regulatory expansion. Supreme Court abortion return to states (Dobbs) was a Court decision he opposed. Classified documents mishandling and family influence-peddling appearance (Hunter) eroded norms; special counsel called him an "elderly man with poor memory."
•Age and capacity: Open, observable cognitive decline became a central issue by 2024, confirmed by debate performance and insider accounts. This is disqualifying for the presidency's demands.
Public Verdict and Context
Approval ratings spent most of the term underwater (low-to-mid 40s, often lower), worse than most modern presidents at similar points. 2022 midterms underperformed expectations given historical patterns; 2024 saw decisive loss (popular vote + Electoral College) amid inflation/border fatigue. Swing voters and Hispanics/Blacks shifted rightward on these issues. Media and institutional protection delayed accountability.
Comparisons: Better than catastrophic historical failures (e.g., some wartime collapses), worse than competent managers on core metrics like border control, inflation stability, and alliance credibility. Trump 2017–2021 had pre-COVID growth, Abraham Accords, no new wars, and energy dominance with different flaws (style, Jan 6, COVID early response). Obama left a polarized landscape and ISIS rise; Biden amplified institutional distrust.
Good presidents deliver security, prosperity, competence, and realistic trade-offs. Biden’s team prioritized progressive checklists, spent enormously, managed decline poorly, and lost the public. Results > narrative. For primary sources, check BLS/CPI, CBP stats, BEA GDP, Gallup/Rasmussen polls, and CRS/foreign affairs analyses rather than partisan spin.